Density of population _ town and village _ Growth of population __Variations by subdivisions_ Migration__ sex and marriage _ Infirmities_Language_Castes _Religion_ Hindu sects_ Gosains and Sattras_ Muhammadanism_Animism_ Minor religions_ Christianity _ occupations_ Marriage customs _ Amusements and festivals.

Density of population.

The district covers an area of 3,418 square miles and is comparatively sparsely peopled, except in the central portion of Mangalgai. Roughly speaking this tract is included in the tahsils of Kalaigaon and Patharughat, which, in 1901, covered an area of 422 square miles and supported a population of 209 to the square mile, and in the Mangaldai tahsil, which had a density of 162 to thew square mile. Population is also fairly dense in the belt of land which runs northward from Tezpur town towards the hills and is included in the Tezpur tahsil and Balipara mauza. East and west of Tezpur the submontane tracts are very sparsely peopled ; and the Gohpur mauza, which lies in the east of the district and covered . an area of 508 suare miles, had only 49 persons to the square mile in 1901. There are also wide stretches of waste land between the Gabharu river and Oalguri. The Bargaon, Orang, Dalgaon, Rangapani and Sonaigaon mauzas, which are included in this tract, had a population, in 1901 of only 34 persons to the square mile,over a total area of 900 a quare miles . Much of this waste land is undoubtedly well adapted for cultivation, and it is allowed to remain under jungle, not because it is intrinsically undesirable, but because there is no one in the district to till it. The area and population of each tahsil and mauza in 1901 will be found in Table III.

Town and villages.

Darrang contains one town, Tezpur, which in 1901,had a population of 5,047 souls, and 1,275 village. The villages are not, however, well defined units, clusters of huts which stand out clearly in the centre of the field tilled by their inhabitants. Rice ,the staple crop, is grown in wide plains, dotted over with clumps of bamboos and fruit trees in which are buried the house of the cultivators. It is groves and not villages that the traveler sees when riding through the more densely portions of the district, and not a house can usually be discerned till he has penetrated this jungle of plantains, betelnut, and bamboos. There is generally no dearth of buiding sites there are no communal lands, and there is nothing to keep the population together. Except on the grassy plains inhabited by the Kacharis, it is difficult to tell where one village ends and another begins, or to which of the larger clumps of trees should be assigned the smaller clumps which are freely dotted about amongst the rice fields. The recult is that the statistics of villages are of little practical importance ; but, taking them for what they are worth, it appears that village run small, as in 1901, nearly twothirds of the population of the district were living in hamlets with less than 500 inhabitants.

Growth of population.

The earliest of the population was made in 1835, and was evidently much below the mark. The Bhutan Duars were excluded from the calculation, and in the remainder of the district there were said to be 89,519 persons. In 1841-42, a more accurate enumeration showed 185,569 people living within the district as at present constituted, but the first regular census was not taken till 1872.

  Population Percentage of increase in decade
1872 235,720  
1881 273.012 +15.8
1891 307,440 +12.6
1901 337,313 + 9.7

The abstract in the margin shows the population recoded at the last four enumeratioand the percentage of increase in each

At first sight it would appear that the people were growing in a satisfactory manner, but further investigation shows that this is not the case. The whole of the increase is due to immigration, and to, what is generally expeted, an excess of births over deaths. There was no increase in the number of persons born and censused in the district between 1881 and 1891, and, as the latter enumeration was the more accurate of the two, it is only reasonable to suppose that they actually declined in numbers. The results disclosed by the last census were more unsatisfactory. The decrease in the indigenous population was no less than 8 per cent, and the total population enumerated outside the tea gardens was more 2,000 less than it had been ten years before.

Are the Himalayan plains inimical to human life ?

These unsatisfactory results are partly due to the spread of kala- azar, an acute and very contagious from of fever, which is described at greater length in the section dealing with the medical aspects of the district. But apart from special causes of this nature, it seems possible that there may be something connected with the tract of country lying between the Brahmaputra and the Himalayas which is unfavourable to the rapid growth of population. The census of 1872 was non-synchronous, and accurate statistics are only available for the purposes of comparison for the last twenty years. During this period there has been no material growth in Goalpara, Kamrup ,or Darrang, but it is due to the existence of the special cause to which reference has been already made, i. e., kala-azar It is, however, a significant fact that the population of the Kuch Bihar State, which is not known to have from this fever, steadily decreased between 1881 and 1901. Again, in the neighbouring direct of rangpur, the population in 1901 was only a few hundreds more than that returned in 1872 ; as there was a great improvement in the acvcurancy of the enumeration , it is evident that during these twenty –nine years the total population declined in numbers .

There is nothing in the Assam terai to suggest to the casual visitor it is unhealthy. The land lies high, is fairly free from jungle, and rolls in grassy plains, covered with short springy turf, to the foot of the Himalayas. It is, however, an undoubted fact that the detachment of sepoys who used to garrison the fort at Odalguri, returned each year to their regiment broken in health and saturated with malaria. Yet they were only stationed at this outpost in the cold weather, and, at that season of the year,Odalguri fort is, to all outward seeming far from an unhealthy place of residence. The cause of the unhealthiness of the locality is most obscure. Possibly it may be, in some way, connected with the high subsoil level of the water, due to the disappearance of some of the rivers into the soil in the northern portion of the plain, a phenomenon which is common to all the Bhutan Duars. This stagnat in of the population is, moreover, not a thing of yesterday. In 1853, Mr. Moffatt Mills was informed by the local officers that the population had been decreasing during the four preceding years, and severe charges were brought by the civil surgeon against the salubrity of Tezpur, the headquarters station.* He pointed out that during the preceding eleven years no less than five European officers had died of diseases contracted while they were in charge of that town; but in common fairness, it must be admitted that this exceptional mortality was in all probability largely due to special disadvantages of site, which have since been partially remedied.

Variation by sub divisions.

  Population Percentage Variation
  1901 1891-1901 1881-1891
Tezpur 166,733 +39.5 +37.5
Mangaldai 170,580 _9.2 +0.08

The abstract in the margin shows distribution of the population by subdivisions and the percentage of variation that took lace in the last two decades.

The contrast between the eastern and western portions of the district is most marked, as while the population of Tezpur was advancing by leaps and bounds, that of Mandaldai was at first stationary and then positively receding. There is, however, a most complete difference between the conditions prevailing in the two sub divisions. In 1881, Tezpur was vary sparsely peopled, there being only 42 persons to the square mile, where as in Mangaldai there were 146, and most of the good rice land south of the Kachari mauzas was already taken up. In the latter subdivision the general health has been extremely bad, the soil has not proved very suitable for the cultivation of tea, and the overflow from the plan tations has not been enough to make good the deficiencies occurring in the ranks of the village population. In Tezpur there are numerous flourishing tea gardens, to which large quantities of coolies are imported every years. Many of these persons save money and settle down as independents. The extent to which this process of colonization has been carried on can be judged from the fact that ,in 1901, it was found that no less than 13 per cent of the villagers of Tezpur had been born in the Provinces and States which supply Assam with its garden coolies. Kala-azar has appear endear Bishnath and Tezpur town, but the mortality from this disease in the sadr subdivision has been insingnificant in comparison with the havoc wrought in Mangaldai, and the general condition of this portion of the district may be considered to be distinctly satisfactory. In Tezpur, there was, in 1901,in each tahsil and mauza, a large increase of population, which was most pronounced in Gohpur and bargain, two extensive tracts at the eastern and western ends of the subdivision, where there is a great quantity of excellent land available for settlement. on the other hand, sekhar and Jhaprabari, two mauzas in the north –west corner of Mangaldai, were the only portions of that subdivision where there was any appreciable increase of population, and this was almost entirely due to the importation of garden coolies. Everywhere else there was a decrease, which was most pronounced in the Patharughat and Mangaldai tahsils in the south west corner, and in the harisinga, Ambagaon, Sonaigaon,and Rangapani mauzas,which lie between Bengabariand and Orang at the foot of the Bhutan Hills. Further details with regard to the density and variation in the population of each tahsil and mauza in the district will be found in Table III.

* Report on the Province of Assam by A.J. Moffatt Mills. Calcutta,1854


Reference has been already made to the extent to which Darrang has relied on immigration to keep up its population , and the statistics of birthplace show that,in 1901, more than one-fourth of the persons censused in the district were foreigners who had been born out side the boundaries of the Province. In Tezpur, these foreigners formed nearly 42 per cent of the total population, but in Mangaldai, where the tea industry is of less importance, they were 9 per cent of the whole.

The total number of persons censued in the district in 1901 who had been born outside Assam was 84,749, more than two-thirds of whom came the Province of Bengal. The immense mass of these immigrants were garden coolies, but Bengalis also find employment in Darrang as clerks and shop keepers, while practically all the wholesale trade is in the hands of Marwari merchants from Rajputana. The Bhutias who were censused in the plains were only temporary visitors who decend from the hills in the cold weather, but the Nealese are setting Darrang in considerable numbers. Many of them are graziers, sawyears,and rubber tappers, but they are also Behali mauzas. Darrang gains largely by inter district, and there is a considerable influx from Kamrup and Nowgong. About 4,000 of the immigrants from Kamrup were probably Kachari coolies working on the tea gardens, but the great bulk of the remainder must have been ordinary cultivators attacted by the broad stretches of culturable waste land still available for settlement.

Sex and marriage.

At each of last four enumerations there has been a great disparity between the sexes ,and in 1901,there were only 916 females to every 1,000 males. This is, how ever, principally due to the large foreign element in the population, in a minority, and amongst those born and enumerated in Darrang the proportion rises to 984. infant marriage is quite the exception, as will be seen from the statement in the margin ,which shows the percentage of Hindu girls under 10, and between 10 and 15, who have performed the marriage ceremony ; and the percentage of girls between 15 and 20, who even according to western ideas, Percentage of Hindu girls would be considered aptoe viro, who were still unwed.

Age Goalpara Darrang
0 10 4 8 0.7
10 15 62.4 14.7
  Percentage Unmarried
15 20 7.2 36.5


For married and widowed the purposes of comparison similar for Goalpara, as that Age district has been infected with the singular idea, that is unfortunately so general in Bengal, that social status can in some way be obtained by submitting an immature child to the responsibilities of matrimony. In an number of girls under ten there are seven who have been married in Goalpara, for eveyone who has performed the ceremony in Darrang ; and in the latter district more than a third of the girls, even between 15 and 20 were still unwed. The growth of the population depends to some extent upon the number of potential mothers. Assuming that this class is represented by married women between 15 and 40, it appears that the reproductive section from 164 per mile of the total population, whice is 7 per mile more than the proportion for the province as a whole.


Darrang as a whole is fairly free from three out of the four special infirmities recorded at each census. The number of persons returned as insane in 1901 was below the provincial average, after allowing for the lunatics consused in the Tezpur Asylum who had been born outside the district. Deaf-mutism is, however, fairly common;and the proportion not only exceeds the Provincial average but is more than 50 per cent higher than that prevailing in India as a whole. The percentage of lepers is considerably lower than returned from most of the Province, but is much in excess of the average for the whole of India.


  Darrang Assam India
Insane 7 5 3
Lepers 8 13 5
Deaf-mutes 10 9 6
Blind 6 10 12


The abstract in the margin shows the margin shows the number out of 10,000 males afficted in Darrang, Assam, and the India Empire as a whole. The figures for males only have been given, as the return for females, especially in the case of leprosy,is probably not so accurate.


Assamese and Bado or Kachari are the forms of speech natural to the indigenous inhabitants of the district, and former was used by 51 per cent of the population in 1901, the bulk of the Kachari speakers are found in Mangaldai, in the grassy plains at the foot of the Himalayas, but though faithful to their from of as peech in their own homes, most of the villagers understand and speak Assamese as well Bengali was returned by 19 per cent of the population ,but is doubtful whether in many cases the term indicates more than a foreign language, Bengali and foreigner being almost interchangeable expressions amongst the Assamese. Hindi was used by nearly 4 per cent,and Mundari by nearly 2 per cent to the people censused in Darrang in 1901. Assamese is described by Dr. Grierson as the sister not the daughter of Bengali.* It comes from Bihar through Northern Bengal and not from Bengal proper. The plural and feminine gender are formed in a different way from that in use in Bengali, and there is a considerable difference in the verb, in the idiom , the syntax, and even in the vocabulary. The pronunciation is also different, the Bengali sh being converted into h by the Assamese, and ch into s. Kachari, or Bado as it is more properly called , is a fairly rich language remarkable for the ease with which roots can be compou\nded together. A grammar ofthis language has been published by the Reverend S. Endle.*


A complete absence of distinction is the dominant note in the caste organization of Darrang. Brahmans, Baidyas, and Kayasthas are the aristocracy of Eastern India , and each of these three is very poorly represented in the district. The Ganak would rank after Kayastha in ordinary estimation in Assam, but unfortunately in Mangaldai, where the majority of the Darrang Ganaks are found, they have fallen from their high estate and have sunk to a very low position in the social scale. Next to the high class Ganak come the Kalita and Kewat, but these two castes, though numerous in the neighbouring district of Kamrup, barely total 31,000 in Darrang. Other castes conspicuous by their absence are the two great race castes of Sibsagar and Lakhimpur , the Ahom and the Chutiya, who between them number less than 7,000 souls. The bulk of the indigenous inhabitants were probably originally Kacharis who, with their kinsmen the Rabhas, reached a total in 1901 of nearly 79,000 persons, six-sevenths of whom were found in Mangaldai. The Kachari, on conversion to Hindism is admitted into the ranks of the Koch, and it is only natural that these Koches (47,000) should be numerically the strongest section of the Hindus in the district. The Jugis and Nadiyals, both of whom come low in the social scale, are fairly strongly represented, and in the Tezpur subdivision the coolly castes , such as the Munda, Santal, Bhuiya, and Oraon are found in considerable numbers. Two hundred and three Europeans were censused in the district in 1901,167 of whom were living in the sadr subdivision. Brief notes are appended describing the principal features of each of the indigenous castes, of whom there were 5,000 more in the district in 1901.*

Males 3,634
Females 2,798

A certain proporation of the Brahmaans are foreigners,Either natives of Bengal acting in some ministerial capacity, or Nepalese who have settled in the district, but the majority are natives of Assam. Most of them subsist on the profits farms, which they either plough with hired labour, or. If they are too poor to engage a servent, cultivate with hoe, as a Brahman is not allowed to touch the plough with his own hands. Of the remainder some take service as cooks , some act as priests; though the number or the later is not large, as few of the Brahmans of Darrang are sufficiently well versed in the shastras to be qualified for the priest hood. The majority of the Brahmans in the district live near Mangaldai town and in the Patharughat tahsil.

* An alphabetical golssary of all castes censued in the Province will be found in Ch. XI of the Assam census Report for 1901.


Males 2,963
Females 3,283


The origin of the Ganaks is obscure, and, though they claim to be Brahmans, they are regarded with much contempt in Bengal and the Surma Valley. This may possibly be due their traditional occupation, astrology, as there is a tendency to look down on Brahmans who act as priests or take any practical part in the business of religion. In Assam Proper, the better class of Ganaks occupy a much more dignified position, and are regarded by the common people as ranking second only to the Brahmans. This difference in social estimation is no doubt partly due to the that the number of really high caste Hindus amongst the Assamese is comparatively small. Both the Koch and Ahom kings were members of non –Aryan races, and the Ganaks were held in high favour by the rulers of rulers of those tribes, a factor which counts for much in Assamese society. Most of the Ganaks of Darrang were censused in Mangaldai, and many of the Mangaldai Ganaks are said to be degraded. They are divided into five classes __(1) Raj Ganaks, who enjoyed the favour of the native rulers, (2) Deori Ganaks, who were employed in temples, (3) Biah Ganaks, who were professional singers,(4) Natoa Ganaks, who were professional dancers, and (5)Bilati Ganaks, who were cultivators. The first three classes do not intermarry with the other two, whose customs areapparently those of the ordinary low caste Assamese.


The jugis are a low caste ,whose traditional occupation is weaving, and who are looked down upon by their superiors in the social scale; but like other humble castes, they lay claim to a high origin. According to one account, they are the offspring of Brahman widows and ascetics, while others aassert that they are descended from Gorakshanath, who was an incarnation of Siva. Very few Jugis now earn their living as weavers, and the caste as a whole has taken to agriculture as a means of livelihood.


Males 8,542
Females 8,508

In the Otola and Punia mauzas of Mangaldai there is a section of the caste known as the Kankuruli Jugis. Their social position is extremely low, they bury their dead, have no religious ceremony at marriage or death, and have only recently obtained gosains. The Katani Jugis emphatically deny that they were ever in any way connected with the Kankurulis. The Katanis are said to have entered the Province in the days of Ballal Sen , and till the time of the Darrang Raja Madho Narayan (1728- 1778 A. D.) their position was extremely low. Under his patronage they made considerable advances in the social scale, and they now enjoy a better position in Darrang than in any other part of the Assam Valley. They claim to rank with the Koch, and several gosains have certified that the higher castes may take water from their hands.



Males 33,422
Females 29,804


The Kacharis or Bara (mispronounced Bodo), as they call themselves, belong to the great Bado tribe, which is found,not only in the Brahmaputra Valley, but in The Garo Hill and in Hill Tippera, south of Surma Valley. It is generally supposed that they are a section of indo-Chinese race. Whose original habitat was somewhere between the upper waters of the Yang-tsekiang and the Hoang-ho, and they gradually spread in successive waves of immigration over the greater part of what is now the Province of Assam. This theory has much to recommend, it though as a matter of fact, apart from the south ward movement of the Miris and Chutiyas, most of the tribal migrations of which we have actual knowledge have been from the south towards the north. This was the direction of the Ahom invasion in the thirteenth century, the traditions of the Nagas all represent them as coming the south, and the northward movement of the Kuki tribes was only stopped by the intervention of the British Government. On the other hand, MR. Dundas quotes a prayes used by the dimasa in the North Cachar Hills, which supports the view that the tribe came from the north-east. It refers to a huge pepul tree growing near the confluence of the Dilao (Brahmaputra) and the Sagi. There the Kacharis were born and increased greatly in numbers, and thence they traveled by land and water till they reached Nilachal, the hill near Gauhati on which the temple of Kamakhya stands. From Gauhati they migrated to Halali, and finally settled in Dimapur.the inscription recorded on copper plates in the tenth and eleventh centuries A.D . refer to the conquest of Kamarupa by a foreign dynasty, which was subsequently replaced. By a king of the line of narak.* It is possible that the the Kacharis were the invading force, and that were afterwards dislodged from Guwahati, when they might not unnaturally have retreated towards the Dhansiri valley.

* Vide J.A.S.B Vol., LXVII,part 1,1898, page 99.

Difference between Dimassa and Bado.

The Kachari kingdom was one of the strongest powers with which the Ahoms were confronted when they entered the valley of the Brahmaputra. Their capital was located at Dimapur on the Dhansiri river, and at one time they were in possession of the western part of Sibsagar, and the greater part of Nowgong. Dimapur was sacked by the Ahoms in 1536,and Kachari king was compelled to move his capital to Maibang. Subsequently they migrated to the plains of cachar, and the last representative of the line was assainated there in 1830. It seems, however, doubtful whether the Kacharis who live on the north bank of the Brahmaputra were ever in any way connected with the king of Dimapur. The one tribe themselves Bara, the other Dimasa; and, though both use languages of Bado origin, the difference between plains Kachari and Dimasa is greater than that between French and Spanish. The two tribes sprang no doubt from the same stock, but there is no evidence to show that they were ever united by the tie of a common nationality, or that the Kachari of Darrang were more closely connected with the Kacharis of North Cachar, than are the Rabhas or Lalungs.

The following legend, which is prevalent amongst the Dimasa, has been reported by Mr. Dundas. It would account for the separation of the Bado and Dimasa, but no traces of the story been found amongst the Kacharis of Darrang:- " Long ago the Dimasa fought against a powerful tribe and were beaten in a pitched battle. They were compelled to give ground, but after a time retreat was barred by a wide and deep river. In despair the king resolved to fight again on the following day, but in the night a god appeared to him and told him that the next morning the army cross the river if they entered it at a spot where they saw a heron standing on the bank. NO one, however, was to look back while the movement was in progress. The dream proved true. A heron was seen standing on the bank, and the king and a great portion of his people crossed in safety. A man then turned to see whether his son was following , when the waters suddenly rose and swept away those who were in the rive bed and prevented the others from crossing. The Dimasa were those succeeded in reaching the further bank in safety.:

Bodo Cutsoms.

The names of various clans are still remembered in Darrang, but they seem to be of a totemistic origin, and, at the present day, the tribe is not split up into any endogamous or exomamous subdivision. Their social position is of course low, but the Hindu gosains are willing to receive them as their disciples, and, if they are prepared to abandon their pork and beer, will even enroll them as members of the Koch caste. The bulk of the kacharis live on the grassy plains at the foot of the Himalayas, and are especially numerous in what are known as the Kachari Duars, i. e Kariapara, Buriguma, Khaling, and Chatgari and in the Kowpati mauza. Their villages are surrounded with fences, but present a dirty and untidy appearance, as pigs and fowls are allowed to wander about in all direction. Agriculture is their normal occupation, and rice the staple crop grown. They are fully alive to the alive to the advantages of irrigation and conduct water of the hill streams on to their fields thorough little artificial channels. But, though efficient agriculturists, they have not that contempt for daily labour which is so marked a characteristic of the Assamese. They readily take on tea gardens, and in 1901 nearly 14,000 Kacharis were censused on the plantations.

Though still using their tribal from of speech in their own villages, most of them can speak and understand Assamese. The national religion is of the ordinary animistic type. The principal god called Siju, and used formerly to be represented by the cactus (euphorbia splendens) found growing in the courtyard of every Kachari house ; but of recent years the tulsi plant has largely superseded the cactus, as the outward and visible sign of the deity. In addition to Siju, there are a large number of other spirits most of which are hostile to men ; and the principal object of religion is ascertain in times of trouble the name of the spirit responsible, and the way in which it may most easily be appeased. The dead are usually burned, but are sometimes buried, from motives of economy. Marriage is generally by purchase, a bride costing Rs.50 to 70, and, where the man is unable to provide this sum , he goes to live with his father-in- law and works for him. A year's labour is only reckoned as being worth from Rs.20 to 30, but it must be borne in mind that during the time that he is working for his bride the man is fed and clothed by his father- in law. Pregnancy prior to marriage does not entail any social disability, provided that the father ackhowledges the child and is a Kachari by caste.


The following account of the origin of the kalita caste is reproduced from the Report on the Census of 1901.

Males 9,690
Females 8,146


" There is much uncertainty as to the origin of this caste. The popular explanation is that Kalites are Kshatriyas, who fleeing from the wrath of Parasu Ram, concealed their caste and their persons in the jungles of Assam, and were thus called Kulupta. Other theories are that they are Kayasthas degraded for having taken to cultivation, an explanation which in itself seems somewhat improbable, and does not apper to be supported by any evidence, or that they are the old priestly caste of the Bodo tribe. The latter theory can hardly be said to account for their origin and though it is possible that kalitas may have orinally acted as priests this fact throws little or no light on the problem of what the kalitas are. The most plausible suggestion is that they are the remains of an Aryan conoly, who settled in Assam at a time when the functional castes were still unkhown in Bengal, and that the word " Kalita" was originally applied to all Aryans who were not Brahmans. The Kalita are divided into two main subdivisions, Bar and saru and into a number of professional subcastes. In upper Assam. Bar Kalitas are said to decline to use the plough they occasionally work the spade, but there is no such with restriction in Kamrup where the great bulk of the caste is found. Cultivation is, in fact, the traditional occupation of the caste , and they even consent work as coolies on tea gardens. The usual procedure for a Kalita who has succeeded in rising above the necessity for manual labour , and is no longer compelled to follow the plough, is to call himself a kaist or kayastha. Two explanations are given of the origin of the saru kalita _ one that he is the offspring who for three generations back have not been united by the " hom" ceremony, the other that he is the child of a Bar kalita and a kewat women. Whether the bar kalita can inter- marry with and eat Kachchi with the saru kalita seems open to question and the practice apparently varies in different districts; but there seems to he no doubt that the functional subdivisions of the caste are debarred from from the privilege of close intercourse with the Bar kalita. These subdivisions are the Mail, Sonari, kamar,Kumhar, Nepali, Nat, Suri and Dhoba. The first two inter-marry with the saru kalita, and also with the kamar kalita. The last four groups are endogamous. All these functional groups are to some extent looked down upon, probably because followers of these professions who were not true kalitas, have occasionally succeded in obtaing admission within their ranks ; but the goldsmiths, from their wealth,have secured good position in society. Kalitas have a good Brahman for their priest, and their water is taken by every caste, afact which no doubt explains the high value attached to kalita slaves in the time of the Assam rajes, when two Koches could be purchased for the price of a single kalita, though the Koch is generally the hardier and stronger man of the two."

Early marriage is common in Goalpara but not in Assam Proper, except amongst the upper sections of thecaste. They take, in fact, a liberal view of the relations between the sexes, and cohabitation is the essential part of marriage. Well-to-do Kalitas are invariably united by the hompura rite and employ a Brahman, but the poorer people often content themselveswith the aqchauldia or juron ceremonies, which consist of a feast to the villagers and a public acknowledgment of the position of the bride some authorities hold that this, though a valid from of marriage for the lower Assamese castes, is not sufficient for the kalita. They regard the hompura Rits as the one essential ceremony of purification, but it can be performed after cohabitation has begun, and sometimes takes place after the death of the husband. An unmarried girl who becomes pregnant does not forfeit her position in the society unless her lover is of a lower caste . the bulk of the kalita were censused in the Tezpur, Chutia, and Patharughat tahsils.


Many of the Kayasthas are foreigners , and most of them carn their living as Government servants or tea garden clerks.Kalitas who have risen above the necessity for manual labour also frequently describe themselves as Kayasthas.

Males 1,048
Females 641



The Kewats are a respectable Hindu caste, from whose hands Brahmans will take water and who According to Assamese ideas,rank immediately after the Kalita. These remarkes only hold good, however, of the Halwa or cultivating Kewats, as the jaliya, or fishing subdivision of the caste, occupy a very humble position in the social scale, and are considered little better than Nadiyals. The two sections of the caste have nothing whatever in common except the name, Kewat or Koibartta, but the number of Jaliya Kewats is comparatively small. The ordinary occupation of the caste is agriculture, but a few of them have succeeded in reaching that desirable position in which the pentakes the place of the ploughshare as a means of livelihood. A respectable Brahman acts as their priest.

The Madi Yals.

Males 5,491
Females 5,291


The Doms, or as they prefer to call themselves Nadiyals, are the boathing and fishing caste of Assam. They are anxious to assume the name jaliya kaibartta, but the Kaibarttas are unquestionably a different caste.Though the manners and custome of jaliya kaibartta do not differ materially from that of the Assamese Nadiyal, except in the following particulars. The Kaibartas decline to use the ghokota net, and in theory only selltheir fish on the river's bank within a paddle's throw of the boat, whereas the Nadiyals regularly take their catch to market. The Nadiyals are probably descended from the aboriginal race of doms, the ruins of whose forts are still to be seen in India, but migrated to Assam before the Dom caste had been assigned the degrading functions now performed by them in Bengal. They are cleanly in their habits and particular their observance of the dictates of the Hindu religion and account for the objectionable expression " Dom which undoubtedly they have borne for centuries, by saying that they were the last of the Assamese to be converted from Buddhism. They are darker in complexion than most of the Assamese, but have a good ique, and by no means uncomely faces. Their women are most prolific and the Dom villages are full of fat brown babies. They rank very in the socialscale, and , accrding to Assamese ideas, are superipr only to the Brittial Baniya or Hari. The bulk of the caste still live by fishing, and education has made but little progress among them. Marriage does not take place the girl is fully grown, and they are free from any puritanical notions with regard to the relations between the sexes. Their priests are said to be descended from Brahman father and Nadiyal mother, but for all practical purposes they are nadiyals and inter –marry with Nadiyal girl. In Mangaldai, the nadiyals are said to be divided into there sections, the Muchi or traders, the kheoli or wholesale, and the Machua or retail fish –sellers.

The Rabhas.

The Rabhas are a section of the Bodo race and appearto be an offshoot of the Garos.


Males 7,517
Females 7,914


Their language is closely akin to Garo, and their original habitatseems to have been the northern slopes of the Garo Hills. Certain sections of the tribe, which live on the borders of that district, have no word for north and south, but describe the former idea by Bhutan, the latter by Tura; a fact which pretty clarly in dicates the locality from which they originally came. Most of the Rabhas have, however, left their ancestral home and settled in the Mangaldai subdivision of Darrang Kamrup, and Goalpara. In Goalpara, Rabhas are divided into the following seven sections --- Rangdania, pati, Maitariya. Koch, Bitlia, Dahuria, and Sangha; but these subdivisions are not recognized in Darrang. There the tribe is divided into various groups which have apparently a totemistic orgin. The phalmals fast when their ploughs break, the maihals when their buffaloes die, the Baghuals mourn the death of a tiger, and so on. Like the other animistic tribes they are foud of beer, pork, and chicken, but they abstain from beef. Their villages are not unlike those of the kacharids. They have gardens, and fruit trees, but pigs and fowls do muchdamage and the homestead is very different from the green dankery of bamboos, fruit trees, and vegetables which surrounds the houses of the Assamese. Agriculture is their usual occupation, and the staple crop grown. What money they require is usually obtained by selling rice or popultry or by working on the roads or tea gardens. Adult marrage is in vogue, and the lover is.Required to pay for the object of his affections.

The usual price is from Rs.25 to Rs. 60, but, if the money is not forthcoming, the bridegroom works in the house of his father-in-law; one year's labour being considered the equivalent of about Rs. 20 in cash. Vermillion is smeared on the bride's forehead, a practive which does not obtain amongst most of the aboriginal tribes, but the essential part of the ceremony is the killing of two fowls and the feasting of the villagers. The Pati Rabhas go futher than this, and model their procedure as closely as possible on the Hindu ceremony. The dead too are generally burned, unless an epidemic is in progress, when it is thought that the infection might be conveyed in the smoke of the funeral pyre. In their unconverted state they they workship deities known as Bharali and Kubir Gosain and make offerings to the spirits of the forest and the marsh. Like the Kacharis they are very skeptical as to the possibility of a life after death.

The Rajbansi or Koch.

The Koches are one of the race cates of Assam. Originally they were an aboriginal tribe, apparently of Mongolian orgin,

Males 24,064
Females 23,363


Which, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, rose to power under their great Viswa Singh. His son, Nar Narayan, extended his conquests as far asupper Assam, Tippera, and Manipur, and by the middle of the sixteenth century, the Koch king had attained to a position of such power that the aboriginal people were anxious to be enrolled as members of his tribe. The result is that at the present day the name is no longer that of a tribe but of a caste into which new converts to Hinduism are enrolled. In Sibsagar and Lakhimpur, these converts still retain their names, and the Koch is a repectable Sudra caste, which is not broken up intovarious subdivisions. This is not the case in Lower Assam, and the different groups are there allottd a different status, which is dependent on the time that has elapsed since conversion took place, and the extent to which aboriginal habits have been shaken off. The principal subdivision is the Bar Koch, who are looked upon as a clean Sudra caste and fromwhose hands Brahmans will take water. The same distinction is not accordedto the saru koch, though they conform in most essentials to the some what lax standard lax of Hinduism exacted in Assam. Three other subdivisions are graded in accordance with the extent to which they have forsworn the attractions of unconverted life. The kamtali abstain from intoxicating liquor and usually from pork; the Hiremia still keep pigs but no longer indulge in the use of liquor; while the Madahi are Hindus only to the extent of having taken saran, and still- permit themselves great freedom in all matters of food and drink. The Koches are widely distributed all over the district, but are especially numerous in Mangaldai.


Classified by religion the population of Darrang was diswtributed in the following proportions in 1901:--- Hindus,71 per cent ; Animistic tribes, 23 per cent ; and Muhammadans, 5 per cent.


Of the Hindus who specified their sect, 27 per cent returned themselves as saktists, or worshippers of the reproductive power of nature as manifested in the female. Two- fifths of these Saktists were, however, censused on the tea gardens , and a considerable number of the Saktists in the villages were probably ex-garden coolies. To people such as these, Saktism , with its toleration of liquor and animal sacrifice, would appeal more strongly than the milder civilized tenets of the Vaishnavites. Appended to this chepter will be found a list of the temples in Darrang which are endowed with grants of land. They are styled temples for want of a better name, though many ofthem now are nothing more than little huts of reeds and thatch.


Sivaitism is the counterpart of Saktism, and is con-cerned with the worship of the procreative energy as manifested in the male. In 1901, only 1,656 persons in Darrang professed this special from of Hinduism.

Vaishna Vism.

Seventy-two per cent of the Hindus who returned their sect in 1901 declared their adherence to the milder tenets of the Vaishnavites . this from Hinduism is thus described in the Assam Census Report for 1901:

Sankar Deb the apostle of Vaishnavism in Assam, was born in 1449 A.D., and was the descendant of a Kayastha, who according to tradition, had been sent, with six of caste fellows and seven Brahmans, to Assam by theking of kanaijpur as a sustitutu for the Assamese prime minister, who had fled to his court. For refuge. The licentious rites of Saktism had aroused his aversion while he was still a boy, and his desire to found a purer system of religion was increased by the teachings of Chaitanya in Bengal.* Like most reformers, he met with vehement opposition from the supporters of the established order, and he was compelled toleave his home in Nowgong and to fly to the inhospitable jungles of the Barpeta subdivision, where , in conjunction with his disciple, Madhab Deb, he founded the Mahapurushia sect, the main tenets of which are the prohibition of idolatry and sacrifice, disregard of caste, and the worship of god by hymns and prayers only. Sankar himself was, like a trun follower of Chitanya, a vegetating, but the low-caste people, who formed a large proportion of his converts, found his injuction a counsel of perfection, and the Mahapurushis are accordingly allowed to eat the flesh of game, but not of domesticated animals,though, with a subtlety only too common in this country, they observe the letter of the law, prohibiting the spilling of blood, by beating their victims to death. The great centre of the Mahapurushin faith is the sattra at Barpeta, where a large number of persist in living huddled together, in defiance of all the laws of sanitation, and resist with surprising pertinacity all efforts to improve their condition. They are a peculiarly bigoted people, and are strongly opposed to vaccination, with the result that the mortality from small-pox in the neighbourhood of the sattra is exceptionally high. It was not long, however, before the Brahmans re-asserted their influence and, shortly after Sankar's death two of his followers of this caste, established sects, called, after their founders, Damodariya and Hari Deb Panthi, which are distinguished from the Mahapur-rushias by the respect paid to the distinctions of caste a certain tolerance of idolatry. A fourth sect was founded by one Gopal Deb, but it originally seems to have differed in on way form the Mahapurushia creed, and subsequently its followers adopted the teachings of Deb Damodar. There is in fact. Practically no distinction between the Damodariyas, the Hari Deb Panthis , and the Gopal Deb panthis, and the Vaishnavites of the Assam valley can be divided into the Mahapurushia and bamunia or " other Vaishnavas,'' as they have been called in the census tables. The former will accept a Sudra as a religious guide, work ship no God but Krishna, and are uncompromising in their hostility to idols ; the latter will only recognize Brahmans as their gosains permit the adoration of other deites, such as Siva and Kali, in addition to that of /Krishna, and allow sacrifices to be offered in their honour. The Bamunias are also more liberal in their diet, and will eat goats, pigeons,and ducks, a from of food that is not allowed to orthodox Vaishnavites in Bengal.

Madhab Deb, like ,most religious reformers, was a strict disciplinarian. The story goes that the breach between him and Gopal Deb arose one stormy day when the party were returning to Barpeta by boat Gopal Deb, anxious for the safety of his teacher, apostrophized the storm clouds passing overhead, and begged them to restrain their fury till Madhab had reached the shore in safety. This innocent remark was construed into an invocation of Varuna, the God of rain ; Gopal Deb was denounced as an idolater and was incontinently, by order of Madhab, flung out of the boat. Such treatment was enough to damp the euthusiasmof the most ardent disciple. Gopal Deb, wallowing in the water, gallantly shouted out defiance to his former leader, and warned him that in future he would be treated with uncompromising opposition. Thirty- nine per cent of the Vasishnavites in Darrang in 1901 were said to be members of the mahapurushia sect, the great majority of whom were censused is the sadr subdivision.

* The Assamese do not admit that Sankar Deb was , in any sense of the word,a disciple of Chaitanya.

Gosains and Sattras.

Every Vaishnavite is the disciple of some particular gosain or priest, to whom each year he sends an offering which vaies from four annas to four or five rupees, according to his means. These subscriptions are collected by the medhi, or agent of the gosain, who is accorded a position of sime dignity at village feasts, and sometimes ranks as high as the gaobura, or head man appointed by the Government. For the Mahapurushias the center of religious life is Barpeta. In the eastern portion of the district most the Vaishnavites, who are not Mahapurushias, and garamur, whose sattras are situated on the Majuli in the Sibsagar district; though some are followers of the Kuruabahi gaosain of Nowgong, and others of the Moamaria gosain of Lakhimpur. In Mangaldai, the great gosains of the Majuli claim many followers, but a certain number of the people are the disciples of the petty gosains whose sattras are situated in Darrang. A list of these Sattras is appended to this chapter. In each village there is a namghar or large barn like structure, in which the people assemble for prayer and song, and which serves as a centre for the religious and social life of the place.

Only one-twentieth of the population in 1901 declared themselves to be followers of the prophet. The great bulk of these perosons were living in the Mangaldai subdivision,about half of them being inhabitants of the Patharughat tahsil, which is situated in the extreme southwest corner of the district. In the seventeenth century A.D., the Muhammadans were , from time to time, in possesion of Gauhati and the whole of Kamrup, and were able to make their influence felt immediately their borders. But the expenditions they dispatched up to the Bhareli would naturally have no permanent effect, and in the eastern part of the district they did not make any converts. After the expulision of the Musalmans from Kamrup in 1681 A.D. the simple villagers, who had been converted to the faith of Islam, began to forget the principles of their religion, and to be gradually affected by the customs of their Hindu neighbours. They practiced circumcision and offered prayers after the Muhammadan fashion it is true, but they could not read the Koran, and service was held in the open fields, as there were no buildings set apart for the purpose. They dressed, shaved, and wprshipped idols like Hindus,they eschewed beef and declined to kill a cow, and in times of sickness and trouble endeavoured to obtain relift by reciting maniras and singing hymns. This state of affairs is said to have continued till 1880, when a revial of the true Muhammadan faith was inaugurated by a preacher called Zalkad Ali or Safi Saheb, who came from Guwahati and spent some years in the subdivision Mangaldai." Fired by his example the Muhammadans abandoned their Hindu superstitions, allowed their herds to grow , and took to eating beef. Thatched house were erected to serve as mosques, and the ordinary villager at the present day conforms, outwardly at any rate, to the dictates of the Muhammadan faith. They have not however, succeded in entirely freeing themselves of the ideas they borrowed from the Hindus, and, when cholera or small pox appear in epidemic from, secretly recite mntras, in the hope that by this means they may be preserved from falling ill. Cases of proselytism are extremely rare,and, during the last fifteen years, only two persons in the whole of the Patharughat tahsil are said to have been converted to the faith of Islam.

Most men find considerable difficulty in giving a clear and intelligible of the faith that is in them, and the unconverted tribesmen are no exception to the general rule. Broadly spaking, their religious beliefs seem to fall under the following heads. Unlike the German metaphysician, they have no uncomfortable doubts with regard to their own existence and the existence of the material world. To account for the production of these visible phenomena, they put forward various theories, which are hardly more improbable than the accounts of the creation given in most religious systems. But the way in which the world came into exist ence is, after all, a matter of no very great importance, and the essential object of religion is to ensure a comfortable passage through life to its followers. No country or community is exempt from pain and trouble, and to the dwellers in the plains of India has been allotted a fairly liberal portion of the ills of life. When the cattle die, or small-pox or cholera visit the village, or other trouble comes, it is only natural to suppose that some bidy or something is the cause of these misfortunes the simple tribesmen then endeavour to ascertain the particular spirit from whose displeasure they are suffering, and to appease him in whatever way they can.

The great bulk of the animistic population was censused in Mangaldai in the Kalaigaon tahsil and the mauzas at the foot of the Bhutan Hills, and more than two –thirds of them were Kacharis.

Religions which were not strongly represented in the district in 1901 were :-Buddhists (494), Jains (269), Brahmos (35), and Sikhs (9). Nearly all the Buddists are temporary visitors who come down during the cold weather to the fairs held at the foot of the hills , and from there disperse about the country. There are , however, three Bhutia families, who for the last 25 years have been living in the paneri grant village in mauza Jhapra in Mangaldai ; and a few of the Nepalese settlers describe themselves as Buddhists. The Jains are " kaiyas," or merchants from Rajputana, who have succeeded in securing a practical monopoly of the wholesale trade of the district . The Brahmos are educated natives, most of whom were censused in Tezpur town.

The Christian population of Darrang is not large,and, in spite of the efforts of a representive of the Society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts, who for many years has laboured amongst the Kachari population of Mangaldai, there were only 1,128 native Christians in 1901. The great majority of those who returned their sect were members of the Anglican communion, but nearly 300 natives took refuge in the generic term of " Kistan," without pledging themselves to support any one of the numerous sects into which that religion is divided. Christianity seems, however, to be spreading streading steadily , if very slowly , as in 1881 there were only 235 native Christians and,in 1891,642.

The occupations recorded at the census of 1901 were divided into eight main classes, and the numbers returned under each head were as follows :-

  Total number. percentage
Government …. …… 1,192  
Pasture and agriculture 311,518 92
Personal service 3,877 1
Preparation and supply of material substances 9,607 3
Commerce, transport and storage 3,437 1
Professions 1,853 1
Unskilled labour not agricultural 1,774  
Means of subsistence independent of
4,055 2


The district is a purely rural one, and no less than 92 per cent population were supported by agriculture. Nearly one-fourth of these persons were employed as garden coolies, and the immense majority of the re mainder were small farmers who hold their land direct from the State, and cultivate it with their own hands.most of them were found in Mangaldai, where the representatives of the family of the Darrang Rajas hold a considerable area at privileged rates of revenue. There were altogether in the district in 1901, 16468 persons returned as tenants and their dependents. Other were garden coolies who rent land which had been prepared for cultivation by the Assamese.There is, however, in the district such an abundance of good land awaiting settlement that the number of tanants must of necessity be small, and there is little risk of oppressive rents being asked or paid The only non- agricultural occupation, if occupation it can be called, which supported as one per cent of the total population was begging. The majority of these beggars were women, and were probably old widows supported by the charity of their neighbours.

The extraordinary preponderance of agriculture as a means of occupation is due to two causes. In the first place the district is a purely rural one, it contains only one small town, and the urban population is only a little more than one per cent of the whole. There is, moreover, an almost complete absence of the functional castes. There is no village barber or dhobi in the Assam valley, and though there are a considerable number of Jugis in Darrang, they no carn their living at the loom. It would hardly be correct to say that they have forsaken their traditional occupation, as they, in common with most of the villagers in darrang, are weavers. The work is, however, carried on by the women ; and only enough clothing is produced to satisfy the requirements of the family, or perhaps to a few silk cloths over sell when money is wanted to satisfy the land revenue demand. Occupation has not been specialized in the Assam Valley, and each Household supplies almost all its simple wants. The fishing and boating are not strongly represented, and many of their members have either abandoned their traditional occupation for agriculture, or have, at any rate, preferred to return it as a more respectable avocation on the census schedules. The number of priests in Darrang is also small. The occupations returned at the census of 1901were divided into 520 separate classes, and the figures for each class will be found in Part II of the Report on the Census of that year. These figures do not, however, lend themselves readily to review, as agriculture is practically the beginning and end of all things in Darrang.

The forms of marriage in vogue are the Hompura,* or full Hindu rite, when the fire is lighted and a priest is engaged to perform the ceremony ; the Kharu moni pindha, in which feast is the friends and relations and ornaments are given to the girl ; and the system under the bridegroom, who is called acaponiy, enters the house of his prospective father-in-law, and works for his wife as Jacob worked for Rachel . Brahmans, Kayasthas, and-to-do Kalitas invariable perform the Hompura ceremony, which sometimes coste as much as Rs. 500 This expenditure is incurred on the purchase of ornaments and clothing, on the payment of priests,musicians, and palki bearers,and on a feast to the relations and friends, the principal ingredients of which are rice, molasses, curds and betelnut. The practice of taking a brice is fairly common, especially in the western part of the district. In this particular there is a great difference between the customs in vogue in Upper and Lower Assam. In upper Assam it is considered a mark of respectability to give your daughter away; in Lower Assam the custom of asking a bride price is almost universal, even amongst the Brahmans. Darrang, as is natural, occupies a more or less intermediate position, and on the west attorns to the customs of Lower, and on the east to the customs of Upper Assam. If the pric4e demanded is too high the young people often take tha law into their own hands, and the girl arranges to have herself abducted; as, when her lover has onceobtained possession of her person, he is generally able to induce the parents to be more moderate in their demands. This from of marriage by capture is very common amongst Nadiyals, Brittial Baniyas, and Charals or Namasudras.

The caponiya is generally accorded all the privileges of a husband, as soon as the parents of the girl are satisfied that he intends to remain faithful to his engagements. In Upper Assam the caponiya is looked down upon, but his position is somewhat better in Darrang.Marriage, even by thesimplest rites, entails a heavy charge upon the bridegroom. The ordinary cultivator seems to spend about one hundred rupees upon his wedding, a sum out of all proportion either to his capital or income. The result is that many men have to borrow at high rates of interest to obtain a wife, and are often crippled for years by the expenses incurred on the occasion of their marriage. Ahoms are often married by the chaklong rite, in which the box in which betelnut is carred (temi) and the knife with which it is cut (katari) exchanged, and the nuptial knot is tied. The Jhopa goriya from of marriage is also in use amongst the Nadiyals at the castern end of the district. The bride and bridegroom are led round five or six baskets, and the one raises and the other, following elose behind, closes the lids.

Feasts, singing parties, and bhaonas or simple theatrical performances are the principal amusements of the villagers. The bhaonas are often held in temporary sheds constructed by the road side, and on a winter's morning the traveler who is early abroad frequently comes upon parties of revelers still ligerring over the pleasures of the previous night. The dol jatra or festival in honour of Krishna in February or March, when the image of the god is swung to and fro, and the people pelt one another red power in memory of his amorous exploits with the milk maids of Barindaban, is observed inobserved indeed, but with much less ceremony than in other parts of India.* The janmastami in honour of Krishna's birth in august or September, and the sivratri in memory of Siva in March, are kept as fasts rather than feasts. The Durga puja is observed by Saktists.

The special festivals of the Assamese are the three Bihus, and the sradh ceremonies of Sankar Deb and Madhab Deb, the founders of the Mahapurushia scct. The Kartik Bihu is celebrated on the last day of Asvin (about October 14th), and is not an occasion of very much impotance. Hymns are sung in honour of god, and, in place of their usual meal of hot rice and curry, the people take cold food, such as curds, molasses, plantains, and cold rice. The Magh Bihu is the harvest home, and begins on thelast day of Pous (about January 14th). For weeks beforehand tall heaps of rice straw piled round a central pole are a prominent feature in the rural landscape. At the dawn of day, the villagers bathe and warm their chilled bodies at these bonfires ; a very necessary precaution, as at this season of the year, the mornings are always cold and generally foggy. The Magh Bihu is to some extent a children's festival, and most of the jollification is confined to the smaller boys, who sing and dance, and feast in small grass huts that have been constructed for the purpose. The Baisakh Bihu, which begins on the last day of Choet (April 14 th), is in honour of the new year. The cattle are smeared with oil mixed with matikalai, turmeric, and rice, and are then taken to the nearest stream and bathed. The villagers go from house visiting their friends and relatives, and offer them presents of cloth and other things. Buffalo fights are organized in the rice fields, but these contests are rather tame affairs, and the animals very seldom injure one another. This Bihu is an occasion of some license, as boys and girls dance together in the fields and sing suggestive songs, and lapses from chastity between members of the same caste are considered almost venial. This is the season of the year when runaway matches are most common, and during the next few weeks the outraged but a varicious parent, complaining of the abduction of his daughter, is by no, means an uncommon sight in the local courts. The sradh ceremony of Sankar Deb is celebrated in August September, and that of Madhab three days before the Janmastami All work is laid aside on these two days, and the people devote their time to feasting and the singing of hymns.



Mauza Name of Sattras Mauza Name of Sattras
Haleswar Patikhati(bakori) Chinakona Supuha.
Mahabhairab Muroli Mangaldai Bolnara.
Bargain ... Bargaon   Devananda.
Haleswar {



Sarabari Haripur.
Mahabhairab. Bali..





Mauza in

Which situated

Name of temple


Name ofunder And date of foundation.

Brief description temple building.









Not Known.

Thatched roof with reed and plaster walls.




Rudra Singh about 1705 A.D





Not Known.





Rudra singh in 1697 A.D.

Thatched roof brick wall, stone floor.




Sib singh about 1730 A.D

A shelter without walls over a stone on which there are two foot prints of Siva.





Rudra singh in 1707 A.D.

Thatched roof with reed and plaster walls.




Not Known.







Masonry building .






Thatched roof with reed and plaster walls.









Not Known.





Rajeswar Singh in 1758 A.D

There was originally a brick temple, which now has fallen into disrepair.





Gadadhar Singh in 1685 A.D

There is no building but a lingum which goes under water in the rains.



Sib singh about 1730 A.D.

Thatched house With read and plaster walls.




Gadadhar Singh about 1690 A.D.

Granite fl oor, brick will with mud, tin roof.




Kamaleswar Singh about 1800 A.D

Reed walls plas-

tered with mud, thatched roof,

Purba Sankar



Sib Singh about 1730 A. D.


Surja Madhab



Gadadhar Singh about 1685 A.D.





Sib Singh in 1741 A.D.

Reed walls pals

tered with mud, iron roof


Dulal madhab



Not Known.

Read walls plastered with mud, thatched roof.

Nag Sankar



Naga Matta

Read walls plas

tered with mud, thatched roof.





Rudra Singh about 1705 A.D

Thatched house With read and plaster walls.




Not Known.





Rudra Singh about 1705 A.D






Rudra Singh about 1705 A.D

Masorary floor and walls and that ched roof.




Not known

Brick floor, thatched roof and read wall.






Brick wall and corrugated iron roof.





Masonary floor and walls, thatched roof.





Brick floor, cor

rugated iron roof and reed walls.





Brick walls and corrugated iron roof.





Masonry floor and walls and thatched roof.







Temple is of timber

and thatch.








Bura Gosain






Buri Gosain










Old brick temple, is in ruins , a temporary house is built every year.





Temple is of timber and thatch.












No temple. Peole go to bathe in the Kunda(pood), which is consi-dered to beasacred.